Russia continues to "play victory" and turns 9 May into a spectacle: how the Kremlin uses the rhetoric of war

the Kremlin is using the 80th anniversary of the Victory Day as an occasion to mobilise the population and justify its foreign policy aggression. On Red Square there are armoured vehicles, veterans and participants in the Defence Forces; in the media there are lofty odes and outright threats to Kyiv and Western countries. Under the guise of a "ceasefire" there are promises to "wipe the Ukrainian capital off the face of the earth". Those who refuse to come to the parade are automatically declared "Russophobes". Thus, the once sacred day once again becomes a means of political manipulation, the Mass Information Institute reports.

Victory Anniversary as an ideological production

The holiday, which once symbolised the end of the world slaughter, now serves as a tribune for the demonstration of power and ideological attitudes. The historical event has been turned into a stage set, where the enemy is no longer the Nazis of the past, but modern Ukraine and the West that supports it.

Not a parade, but a demonstration: how they prepared for 9 May

The key event in Moscow was a military parade, officially dedicated to the victory of 1945, but in reality it was a demonstration of the current military power and the arrangement of Russia's friends and enemies. Along with soldiers from the barracks, fighters from the Ukrainian trenches - those who have been labelled "participants of the SWO" - are taking part.

As "Vesti" reports in the article "With whom Russia will celebrate Victory Day", among the invitees are representatives of friendly countries: China, Belarus, Serbia, Slovakia, Venezuela, Uganda and others. The message is clear: "the world is with us", even if this "world" is rather a set of political pariahs. The arrival of delegations becomes a kind of test of loyalty - who is not afraid to appear in a country where drones are shot down every day.

The point of the parade is not the equipment and marches. It is designed to broadcast self-confidence: we are strong, we have allies, the war is just another episode in a great historical journey.

Russian presidential aide Yuri Ushakov states in Izvestia: "A broad international presence is expected." These words should convince Russians that the Kremlin is not in isolation.

Military hardware as an argument and a threat

The same article emphasises that the parade involves modern air defence systems and updated weapons used in the war against Ukraine. The display of armaments is not only a show of force, but also a message: Russia is ready for a protracted conflict.

Moscow has also organised hundreds of events as part of the Moscow Victory Spring festival: exhibitions, concerts, art installations. All this creates the illusion of a continuous celebration where war is romanticised and Victory becomes part of modern identity. According to Vedomosti, this is a record number of events covering all districts of the capital - it is simply impossible not to notice the holiday.

Regional celebrations: from courtyards to the "front"

The regions have their own specifics. Where it is safe, processions, reconstructions and the "Immortal Regiment" take place. In places where "clapping" has become the norm - as in Sevastopol, Belgorod and Kursk - parades are cancelled, replacing them with courtyard events with bands at the entrances. Often the veterans are elderly people who were born after the war.

In Kazan, for example, members of the Rosgvardiya held a parade in front of a "veteran's" house, according to Kommersant. This turns the memory of the war into a propaganda tool - the heroism of ancestors is projected onto modern soldiers.

Sochi has installed an 80-metre-long "Great Victory Shield", a symbol designed for visual perception and mobilisation. According to Kommersant, it has become a central element of the city's design, emphasising the cult of Victory as the basis of a political myth.

Security instead of threat: substitution of words - substitution of meaning

The Russian media carefully avoid the words "threat" or "danger". Instead, there are phrases about "concern for security" and "difficult times", which are now in their third year, but these are not mentioned.

Victory as ideology: if we celebrate, we win

Propaganda presents 9 May as the day when the television finally takes over the refrigerator. There are parades, veterans, patriotism on the screens. It means that everything is good both at the front and at the rear.

The tone is pathos and lofty: "triumph of good", "heroes who saved mankind", "sacred victory". The past and the present are intertwined: if our ancestors fought fascism, then today's Russians are fighting its "descendants". Which means that any doubt is treason.

Victory is no longer history, but the currency of ideology. The media create an image of "eternal victory" in the face of "eternal threat." Russia is the descendant of the victors, envied and feared.

Victory as a justification for war: the modern front is "Berlin 2.0"

"Rossiyskaya Gazeta" publishes an article "The Case of the Murderers of Peoples", where the methods of fascists are allegedly used already against Russia. Izvestia publishes the rhetoric of de-escalation, where Kiev is the aggressor and Moscow is the deterrent. The author of the article, Mikhail Saltykov, writes: "Moscow is ready for decisive action in response to provocations."

In the article "Storming Berlin," Dmitry Boltenkov of Izvestia directly compares the storming of the Reichstag to the war in Ukraine: "Russia cannot retreat. Only victory is a guarantee of survival."

"Komsomolskaya Pravda" writes about a descendant of a Soviet soldier who is "fighting the Nazis in Avdeevka." The idea of continuity forms the moral legitimacy of aggression - "we are defending the Motherland", and therefore we are right.

Melodrama, tears, and "80 years of Victory" as a second outcome

The emotional background is complemented by poems, stories about frontline borscht and advice on how to congratulate your grandmother. "Izvestia" issues a collection of "Poems for 9 May - to tears".

The number 80 is presented as evidence of historical destiny. He who won 80 years ago cannot lose today.

There is also a claim to the monopoly of Victory. The West, according to Russian propaganda, is trying to "rewrite history". Ukraine, which celebrates Remembrance Day on 8 May, is betraying its ancestors. This forms an image of Russia as a "besieged fortress" surrounded by envious people.

Speakers and rhetoric: the fight against Nazism in a modern performance

9 May in Russia is a symphony of propaganda. Some talk about the great army, others about the revisionism of the West. Rossiyskaya Gazeta again mentions attempts by NATO and the European Parliament to "rewrite the Victory".

Vladimir Putin is the chief conductor. He will speak at the parade and will probably again compare the SWO to the feat of his grandfathers. "RIA Novosti" reports his meeting with fighters returning from Ukraine.

Dmitry Medvedev is the official bearer of radical discourse. He is quoted by "MK" as saying: "If they strike - no one guarantees that Kiev will see 10 May."

Sergei Lavrov is the creator of a parallel reality. He compares the war to 1941: "Almost all of Europe is at war against Russia." He is complemented by Maria Zakharova: the EU is "repeating the path of the Third Reich".

The image of the enemy: Ukraine as a descendant of Nazism

In all media, Ukraine is shown as an heir to fascism. Dmitry Peskov states: "Russia could not but react to the revival of Nazism." And Ambassador Mikhail Vanin in "KP" claims that "Nazism defeated Ukraine", denying Ukrainians the right to participate in the Victory.

Yunna Moritz sums it up in "KP": "The essence of the Victory is to be Russia". This is the quintessence of ideology: to win means to be right, and it means to have the right to war.

Peace as form, war as essence

Statements about a "ceasefire until 9 May" are not a gesture of peace, but an element of a spectacle. As Rossiyskaya Gazeta reported, the initiative for a three-day pause was presented as a "goodwill gesture". However, against the background of constant strikes, this is not a truce, but another tool for asserting one's righteousness.

Modern Russian ideology eclectically combines the images of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire - it is on this historical alloy that the authorities justify both internally and externally their invasion of Ukraine. This is discussed in an exclusive piece by Socialportal, timed to coincide with the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany.